What does justice for gender-based violence really look like? As Kenya grapples with femicide, political violence against women and persistent gaps in institutional accountability, a conviction alone cannot answer the deeper question of justice. This piece reflects on what meaningful justice should look like—from prevention and accountability to a justice system that works for women and girls before violence becomes irreversible.
When does justice begin for a person who has experienced any form of gender-based violence? Is there any form of justice that can ease the pain of a loved one at the hands of femicide? Is reporting to the authorities the initial point of seeking justice? Or is it an authorised P3 from a healthcare facility? Should early interventions before violence escalates be the point of recognition when trying to define justice? Before injury, humiliation or even death?
The recent conviction of former Migori Governor Okoth Obado and his two co-accused in the murder of Sharon Otieno roused mixed reactions from the public at large. Sharon, a pregnant Rongo University student, was abducted in September 2018; her body was later found in a forest in Homa Bay County. Eight years later, the High Court found three men guilty of her murder, awaiting sentencing on 16th September 2026. Is justice delayed still considered justice equivalent to the gravity of the crime?
The lengthy period between the crime committed, investigation, prosecution and judgement begs the question: what does realistic justice for gender-based violence actually look like? A verdict, however overdue, addresses what happened based on the evidence presented in court. Sharon’s case, in particular, sparked conversations about whether justice could also mean the family requesting monetary compensation. Or would this undervalue the conviction and reduce the value of Sharon’s life to something resolved through a financial transaction? What kind of precedent, then, does this set?
Kenya is at a critical intersection of gender-based violence, Femicide, electoral campaigns and an alarming number of violent incidents fueled by the presence of goons. Yet the country has seen various forms of advocacy against GBV. Reflecting on the Femicide protest marches, vigils, public forums on femicide and technologically facilitated gender-based violence, and notably the GBV and Femicide taskforce instituted by the Office of the President and their subsequent report, the rising number of reported cases of GBV is alarming.
The inaction from public institutions charged with the responsibility to tackle GBV can be perceived as an open display of lack of prioritisation of GBV and a lack of political goodwill to declare femicide a standalone crime. The report by the Technical Working Group on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) continues to agitate no action by specific duty bearers like law enforcement and the judiciary on the recommendations several months after its release. Will this be yet another document generated to ease pressure on the government from lobby groups, with no action?
A report by Odipo Dev, Africa Uncensored and Africa Data Hub, found that femicide in Kenya is not random but deeply rooted in intimate partner violence, systemic failures, and delayed justice, young women aged 18 to 35 account for nearly two-thirds of all victims. The same report documented at least 1,069 women murdered between 2016 and 2025 alone.
Perhaps the uncomfortable truth is that while we have become better at talking about gender-based violence, we have not necessarily become better at preventing it.
As Kenya gears for the 2027 General Election, the political landscape is already sprouting various forms of gender-based violence, especially against women political aspirants. environment is already becoming increasingly charged. Agnetta Mwangale, Bungoma Women Rep aspirant, was attacked during the chaotic Linda Mwananchi rally in Homa Bay, left with injuries to her back, waist, legs and knees. Goons attacked not only the attendees but also the aspirants, and reported cases of physical attacks, sexual violations and digital attacks days after the political rally. Very specific to the women aspirants. The loud protests by feminists, human rights defenders, and lobby groups against these forms of violence only heightened the silence by authorities on this matter, including male political leaders who have not come out to condemn the violence that women in that county experienced publicly.
If political violence can be organised and resourced with no repercussions towards the perpetrators, what scenarios of justice are we left to speak of? We are experiencing a climate where discriminatory factors like tribe, level of education, access to power, among others, are no longer deterrents to violence. Any woman is now potentially a victim. Which begs the question: how far must women go to protect themselves? Should women now have to hire their own “security” in the form of goons? The solution to violence cannot be resolved with violence.
Systemic gaps that fail to protect women should be at the forefront when seeking redress for an injustice. The solution cannot be to equip women to participate in the same culture of violence that threatens them. It must be to dismantle the culture that makes such violence possible. Kenya has laws and institutions, and no shortage of advocacy. Justice is not simply a conviction at the end of a long court process. Justice begins when we don’t stand by, witness and record a violation instead of intervening; when we stop shaming victims and hold each other accountable for the comments we make online; when we stop being comfortable with discomfort and when we see violence for what it is and not as a ‘private family matter’. The justice system must work for everyone and most expeditiously for victims of GBV, women and girls, including those seeking political office.
